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al-Sharifs killer Elor Azraya
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Abdel Fattah al-Sharif 21
Ramsey Qasrawi 21 March 24 2016 |
11 apr 2016
IDF confiscates printer in Dheisheh refugee camp
Analysis: A combination of goodwill gestures by the IDF, better tactical operations, and proactive measures taken by the Palestinian security services has discouraged Palestinians from carrying out stabbing attacks in the past few weeks.
Is the third intifada coming to its end? Six months since Eitam and Na'ama Heinkin were murdered near Nablus, the attack that symbolizes the beginning of what grew into a popular yet unorganized intifada which claimed the lives of 34 Israelis, the most recent data points to a dramatic drop in terror attacks.
The last substantial terror attack took place more than two weeks ago, when two terrorists stabbed two soldiers in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron, lightly to moderately wounding the latter two. Ironically, what happened 11 minutes later could have escalated the violent uprising; a Kfir Brigade soldier arrived at the scene as reinforcement and shot one of the terrorists who lying, neutralized on the ground. Despite fear of reprisals, Palestinians have not carried out new attacks. In fact, officers in the West Bank Division have said that Palestinian officials have relayed to them that the Israeli public and military response to the incident has calmed Palestinian desire to exact revenge.
"Since successful lone wolf attacks inspire new attacks, if we succeed in preventing successful (attacks) for three weeks or a month, it is plausible that the terror wave will end," remarked a senior officer in the IDF Central Command and it appears that he is correct. No one in the IDF is prepared to declare that the intifada is behind us and while some have moved in that direction, the West Bank Division has continued to develop new and creative measures to further reinforce stability.
Roman Gofman, commander of the IDF's Gush Etzion Brigade, has succeeded in stopping tens of attacks at the Gush Etzion junction, offering "carrots" to lighten the atmosphere. "The young Palestinian generation is frustrated and despairing; they are looking for hope," a senior officer in the West Bank Division told Ynet.
Gofman has held many candid talks in recent weeks with village leaders and he acceded to a request of the head of the Al-Arroub refugee camp to open the rear entrances to the village to lower the number of rock throwing incidents on Route 60, where Israeli cars travel. In a nearby village, Beit Ummar, another major stone throwing site, Gofman is helping build a soccer field for village youth. Moreover, in the entrances to large villages, the army is assisting Palestinians in building orderly parking lots for service taxis, which will decrease the traffic.
At the behest of the Palestinians in Beit Ummar, the IDF is also arranging for the transfer of a cemetery to a location further away from Route 60 to decrease rock throwing at Israeli cars during funerals. Additionally, the army has returned some cars and engineering tools used for illegal building.
"This generation does know Jews. 50 percent of them have not left the village where they were raised. They don't know what houses in Ashdod and Ashkelon that their forefathers built or beaches in Tel Aviv look like. So what will a 16-year-old Palestinian do after completing his studies?"
After a week long siege on Beit Fajar because two of its residents carried out attacks near Ariel, local leaders gathered their youth and called on them to stop the violence. Similar gatherings have taken place in Sair and Qabatiya. "The Palestinian security services are also doing much more to stop the terror wave," a senior security official admitted. They are searching the bags of students to find knives and are succeeding in stopping lone wolf terrorists. Additionally, the IDF has raided improvised weapons factories, where the Carl Gustav is produced, and is fighting against incitement."
Regarding incitement, the security establishment initially struggled to address the issue, but recently territorial divisions in the West Bank have created new methods to fight against inciters. Just as the IDF searches for and arrests individuals calling for unrest or the murder of Jews on the radio, the IDF now takes similar action when it comes to incitement on the internet. In addition, the Gush Etzion Brigade is required to arrest at least three Palestinians who spread incitement weekly.
The weekly operation takes place from the military headquarters of territorial brigades near the Gush Etzion junction by an officer from the Civil Administration and an intelligence gathering officer. They collect inciting videos, pictures, and posts uploaded to Facebook and then send them to the legal advisor of the West Bank Division. Thereafter, the IDF arrests the inciter and puts him in front of a court.
"The evidence that we gather before the arrest is enough to bring someone to court or send the inciter to prison for six months to a year. We are talking about people with no security history," notes an officer. "Being satisfied with the intelligence that we receive from Unit 8200 (an Israeli Intelligence Corps unit - ed.) is too passive. 90 percent of the Palestinian adults have Facebook and we discovered that they are using it primarily in the night between 11:00PM and 2:00AM. We are talking about 1.5 million Facebook users, who are mostly men."
"What causes attacks today is incitement on Facebook – not mosque leaflets. We arrested a Facebook inciter from Halhoul who has thousands of followers. Following such arrests, we feel a drop in the number of attacks from the same village. And in the case in which we are struggling to gather sufficient evidence to arrest inciters, we go to them at night and warn them."
The IDF is continuing to take offensive action against incitement deep in the West Bank. A few weeks ago, the IDF discovered leaflets, bearing the picture of the Shin Bet coordinator in Bethlehem and a call to attack him. Then, on Tuesday night, Kfir Brigade soldiers entered the Dheisheh refugee camp and confiscated the private printer, which had printed the leaflets. "The owner of the print shop would have preferred to be arrested and imprisoned instead of his printer being confiscated, which costs hundreds of thousands of shekels," remarked an officer.
In light of the recent reports that Israel and the Palestinian Authority are negotiating the entry of IDF forces into area A only in exceptional circumstances, it is possible that such a confiscation operation will not be approved in a number of weeks or months. Field officers in the West Bank Division have not expressed their opinion on the topic, but they note the importance of the IDF's freedom of movement in villages and cities. The soldiers, who entered the Dheisheh refugee camp and were stoned in their bulletproof cars, said: "It is good that the energy of the same kids is directed against us and not Israeli cars in Efrat."
But these activities by the Etzion Territorial Brigade are also shadowed by the dark cloud of the Hebron shooter. The soldiers of the Shimshon Battalion, in which the suspect soldier served, have been operating in the Etzion area for nearly six months, and have foiled dozens of attempted attacks, with no previous instances of that kind. The Gush Etzion Junction has also experienced a period of calm, due to the elite Maglan unit’s activities in the area, as well as the implementation of orders forbidding Palestinian pedestrians from passing through the complex, and the introduction of special cameras that can identify unusual movement and alert security forces.
The IDF thankfully embraces every day that passes without further incidents inspired and supported by the Hebron soldier, and its commanders’ attempts to halt such incidents from occurring are ongoing. The West Bank Division even put consultants in touch with territorial brigades, in order to assist in instructing the soldiers in proper conduct on moral, operational, and legal levels, with regards to controversial events such as the Hebron incident.
“We gave the soldiers a questionnaire about that incident, to make sure they understood what’s right. The impression is that, from the level of platoon commanders and upward, their understanding is that the soldier’s actions were wrong. That’s why we’re investing in the lower-level commanders, such as squad leaders and soldiers in the field, who absorb most of the mental stress from the numerous events (in which they take part).”
Analysis: A combination of goodwill gestures by the IDF, better tactical operations, and proactive measures taken by the Palestinian security services has discouraged Palestinians from carrying out stabbing attacks in the past few weeks.
Is the third intifada coming to its end? Six months since Eitam and Na'ama Heinkin were murdered near Nablus, the attack that symbolizes the beginning of what grew into a popular yet unorganized intifada which claimed the lives of 34 Israelis, the most recent data points to a dramatic drop in terror attacks.
The last substantial terror attack took place more than two weeks ago, when two terrorists stabbed two soldiers in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron, lightly to moderately wounding the latter two. Ironically, what happened 11 minutes later could have escalated the violent uprising; a Kfir Brigade soldier arrived at the scene as reinforcement and shot one of the terrorists who lying, neutralized on the ground. Despite fear of reprisals, Palestinians have not carried out new attacks. In fact, officers in the West Bank Division have said that Palestinian officials have relayed to them that the Israeli public and military response to the incident has calmed Palestinian desire to exact revenge.
"Since successful lone wolf attacks inspire new attacks, if we succeed in preventing successful (attacks) for three weeks or a month, it is plausible that the terror wave will end," remarked a senior officer in the IDF Central Command and it appears that he is correct. No one in the IDF is prepared to declare that the intifada is behind us and while some have moved in that direction, the West Bank Division has continued to develop new and creative measures to further reinforce stability.
Roman Gofman, commander of the IDF's Gush Etzion Brigade, has succeeded in stopping tens of attacks at the Gush Etzion junction, offering "carrots" to lighten the atmosphere. "The young Palestinian generation is frustrated and despairing; they are looking for hope," a senior officer in the West Bank Division told Ynet.
Gofman has held many candid talks in recent weeks with village leaders and he acceded to a request of the head of the Al-Arroub refugee camp to open the rear entrances to the village to lower the number of rock throwing incidents on Route 60, where Israeli cars travel. In a nearby village, Beit Ummar, another major stone throwing site, Gofman is helping build a soccer field for village youth. Moreover, in the entrances to large villages, the army is assisting Palestinians in building orderly parking lots for service taxis, which will decrease the traffic.
At the behest of the Palestinians in Beit Ummar, the IDF is also arranging for the transfer of a cemetery to a location further away from Route 60 to decrease rock throwing at Israeli cars during funerals. Additionally, the army has returned some cars and engineering tools used for illegal building.
"This generation does know Jews. 50 percent of them have not left the village where they were raised. They don't know what houses in Ashdod and Ashkelon that their forefathers built or beaches in Tel Aviv look like. So what will a 16-year-old Palestinian do after completing his studies?"
After a week long siege on Beit Fajar because two of its residents carried out attacks near Ariel, local leaders gathered their youth and called on them to stop the violence. Similar gatherings have taken place in Sair and Qabatiya. "The Palestinian security services are also doing much more to stop the terror wave," a senior security official admitted. They are searching the bags of students to find knives and are succeeding in stopping lone wolf terrorists. Additionally, the IDF has raided improvised weapons factories, where the Carl Gustav is produced, and is fighting against incitement."
Regarding incitement, the security establishment initially struggled to address the issue, but recently territorial divisions in the West Bank have created new methods to fight against inciters. Just as the IDF searches for and arrests individuals calling for unrest or the murder of Jews on the radio, the IDF now takes similar action when it comes to incitement on the internet. In addition, the Gush Etzion Brigade is required to arrest at least three Palestinians who spread incitement weekly.
The weekly operation takes place from the military headquarters of territorial brigades near the Gush Etzion junction by an officer from the Civil Administration and an intelligence gathering officer. They collect inciting videos, pictures, and posts uploaded to Facebook and then send them to the legal advisor of the West Bank Division. Thereafter, the IDF arrests the inciter and puts him in front of a court.
"The evidence that we gather before the arrest is enough to bring someone to court or send the inciter to prison for six months to a year. We are talking about people with no security history," notes an officer. "Being satisfied with the intelligence that we receive from Unit 8200 (an Israeli Intelligence Corps unit - ed.) is too passive. 90 percent of the Palestinian adults have Facebook and we discovered that they are using it primarily in the night between 11:00PM and 2:00AM. We are talking about 1.5 million Facebook users, who are mostly men."
"What causes attacks today is incitement on Facebook – not mosque leaflets. We arrested a Facebook inciter from Halhoul who has thousands of followers. Following such arrests, we feel a drop in the number of attacks from the same village. And in the case in which we are struggling to gather sufficient evidence to arrest inciters, we go to them at night and warn them."
The IDF is continuing to take offensive action against incitement deep in the West Bank. A few weeks ago, the IDF discovered leaflets, bearing the picture of the Shin Bet coordinator in Bethlehem and a call to attack him. Then, on Tuesday night, Kfir Brigade soldiers entered the Dheisheh refugee camp and confiscated the private printer, which had printed the leaflets. "The owner of the print shop would have preferred to be arrested and imprisoned instead of his printer being confiscated, which costs hundreds of thousands of shekels," remarked an officer.
In light of the recent reports that Israel and the Palestinian Authority are negotiating the entry of IDF forces into area A only in exceptional circumstances, it is possible that such a confiscation operation will not be approved in a number of weeks or months. Field officers in the West Bank Division have not expressed their opinion on the topic, but they note the importance of the IDF's freedom of movement in villages and cities. The soldiers, who entered the Dheisheh refugee camp and were stoned in their bulletproof cars, said: "It is good that the energy of the same kids is directed against us and not Israeli cars in Efrat."
But these activities by the Etzion Territorial Brigade are also shadowed by the dark cloud of the Hebron shooter. The soldiers of the Shimshon Battalion, in which the suspect soldier served, have been operating in the Etzion area for nearly six months, and have foiled dozens of attempted attacks, with no previous instances of that kind. The Gush Etzion Junction has also experienced a period of calm, due to the elite Maglan unit’s activities in the area, as well as the implementation of orders forbidding Palestinian pedestrians from passing through the complex, and the introduction of special cameras that can identify unusual movement and alert security forces.
The IDF thankfully embraces every day that passes without further incidents inspired and supported by the Hebron soldier, and its commanders’ attempts to halt such incidents from occurring are ongoing. The West Bank Division even put consultants in touch with territorial brigades, in order to assist in instructing the soldiers in proper conduct on moral, operational, and legal levels, with regards to controversial events such as the Hebron incident.
“We gave the soldiers a questionnaire about that incident, to make sure they understood what’s right. The impression is that, from the level of platoon commanders and upward, their understanding is that the soldier’s actions were wrong. That’s why we’re investing in the lower-level commanders, such as squad leaders and soldiers in the field, who absorb most of the mental stress from the numerous events (in which they take part).”
8 apr 2016
The only Arab MK in the Zionist Union argues Palestinian who attacked soldier in Hebron is a 'murderer, not a terrorist,' making distinction between attacks against civilians and soldiers; his comments led to condemnations from both sides of the aisle.
Zouheir Bahloul, the only Arab MK in the Zionist Union, caused a furor on Thursday when he claimed the Palestinian who stabbed an IDF soldier in Hebron and was later shot dead by another soldier despite having already been neutralized - was not a terrorist.
Speaking to Army Radio, Bahloul made the distinction between those who attack civilians and those who attack soldiers.
"I agree the stabber is a murderer, but he is not a terrorist. My problem is when this word becomes too inclusive and turns every Palestinian into a terrorist," he said.
His statement garnered condemnations from across the political spectrum. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Bahloul's comments were "disgraceful. IDF soldiers protect our lives from bloodthirsty murderers with their bodies. I expect all citizens of Israel, and particularly members of Knesset, to give them full backing."
The Bayit Yehudi party was quick to issue a statement, saying "the Labor party is slowly turning from post-Zionist to pro-Palestinian. Yitzhak Rabin is turning in his grave."
Rebukes also came from Bahloul's own party. Zionist Union chairman Isaac Herzog said he "clarified to MK Bahloul that I reject and strongly condemn his statements and that the Zionist Union's position stipulates that a terrorist is a terrorist is a terrorist. It does not matter if he sets out to kill Arabs or Jews."
Herzog also slammed Bayit Yeduhi: "The heads of the Bayit Yehudi party, who are leading a racist campaign and are pushing to release the suspect in the Duma murder, should stop preaching to us about morality and shut their mouths."
Meanwhile, MK Itzik Shmuli from the Zionist Union said Bahloul's comments were "extreme and unacceptable for most Israelis, including supporters of the Zionist Union. The way to disengage from the Palestinians doesn't go through distortions of reality. A terrorist is a terrorist and that is how he should be treated. I have great respect for Zouheir, but I think in this case he is mistaken both in what he's saying and in the way he chose to say it, and he should backtrack on his comments."
MK Robert Ilatov of Yisrael Beytenu was blunter. "It appears that encouraging and justifying terrorism have become a regular custom for the Arab MKs and it's a shame that Zouheir Bahloul choose to join the band of agitators that includes Ghattas, Zahalka and Zoabi. Condoning the bloodletting of Israeli soldiers and citizens by giving legitimacy to terrorists who kill soldiers while they defend Israeli civilians with their own bodies is abhorrent and criminal. We must not ignore such statements. It is time to put an end to the violent and dangerous incitement that these MKs foment."
Zouheir Bahloul, the only Arab MK in the Zionist Union, caused a furor on Thursday when he claimed the Palestinian who stabbed an IDF soldier in Hebron and was later shot dead by another soldier despite having already been neutralized - was not a terrorist.
Speaking to Army Radio, Bahloul made the distinction between those who attack civilians and those who attack soldiers.
"I agree the stabber is a murderer, but he is not a terrorist. My problem is when this word becomes too inclusive and turns every Palestinian into a terrorist," he said.
His statement garnered condemnations from across the political spectrum. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Bahloul's comments were "disgraceful. IDF soldiers protect our lives from bloodthirsty murderers with their bodies. I expect all citizens of Israel, and particularly members of Knesset, to give them full backing."
The Bayit Yehudi party was quick to issue a statement, saying "the Labor party is slowly turning from post-Zionist to pro-Palestinian. Yitzhak Rabin is turning in his grave."
Rebukes also came from Bahloul's own party. Zionist Union chairman Isaac Herzog said he "clarified to MK Bahloul that I reject and strongly condemn his statements and that the Zionist Union's position stipulates that a terrorist is a terrorist is a terrorist. It does not matter if he sets out to kill Arabs or Jews."
Herzog also slammed Bayit Yeduhi: "The heads of the Bayit Yehudi party, who are leading a racist campaign and are pushing to release the suspect in the Duma murder, should stop preaching to us about morality and shut their mouths."
Meanwhile, MK Itzik Shmuli from the Zionist Union said Bahloul's comments were "extreme and unacceptable for most Israelis, including supporters of the Zionist Union. The way to disengage from the Palestinians doesn't go through distortions of reality. A terrorist is a terrorist and that is how he should be treated. I have great respect for Zouheir, but I think in this case he is mistaken both in what he's saying and in the way he chose to say it, and he should backtrack on his comments."
MK Robert Ilatov of Yisrael Beytenu was blunter. "It appears that encouraging and justifying terrorism have become a regular custom for the Arab MKs and it's a shame that Zouheir Bahloul choose to join the band of agitators that includes Ghattas, Zahalka and Zoabi. Condoning the bloodletting of Israeli soldiers and citizens by giving legitimacy to terrorists who kill soldiers while they defend Israeli civilians with their own bodies is abhorrent and criminal. We must not ignore such statements. It is time to put an end to the violent and dangerous incitement that these MKs foment."
Likud activists angry that the defense minister won't back soldier who shot dead neutralized terrorist distribute inciting photos of his, calling for an 'assassination' of his political career.
Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon said Friday he had no intention of changing his position condemning the Hebron shooting incident, even after inciting photos of him were posted on social media.
Ya'alon has been at the center of much contention in recent days in light of his comments backing IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot and many senior officials and officers in the defense establishment who came out against a Kfir Brigade soldier for shooting dead a terrorist who was already lying wounded on the ground.
The photos, showing the defense minister's face framed by a rifle's target, were posted on social media and passed on WhatsApp groups of Likud activists, calling for an "assassination" of Ya'alon's political career.
"After all kinds of fringe radical elements tried to portray me as the troubler of Israel, the next stage has come (that should not have surprised anyone) - the distribution of photos inciting against me," Ya'alon wrote on Facebook and Twitter.
"This won't do them any good. I have no intention of caving in or conceding the fight for the nature of the State of Israel and Israeli society. I will continue fighting for a just, sane and moral State of Israel. One that fights with an iron fist and determination against those who mean to cause it harm, while at the same time doesn't lose sight of its values or becomes apathetic."
Ya'alon went on to say that "this isn't about the right wing or the left wing - this is about our future and that of our children. This is about what country we aspire to live in: One that is part of the family of nations, Jewish and democratic, modern and tolerant, or a country that is declining towards dangerous and destructive paths. We must stand firm and uncompromising against the kind of harmful discourse that has taken over the country. This fight is more important and significant than anything else, and the sane forces in Israeli society must remain united to defeat it."
The defense minister concluded his post by saying that "I am fighting for the sane majority of Israeli citizens. That is why I will not give up, and will not be deterred by any threat."
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the Likud party leader, condemned the photos, saying the distribution of such photos "is crossing a red line."
"A public debate must be conducted in a respectable and topical manner and has no room for this kind of incitement," Netayahu said in a statement.
Officials in the Likud party said Ya'alon's comments will come back to haunt him, adding that the defense minister will pay the price in the next party primary election for not backing the shooting soldier.
Ya'alon drew fire when he slammed those who are defending the soldier, saying at a Knesset speech: "What do you want: a brutalized military that lost its moral spine?"
He said the soldier is not a hero, but rather a soldier who transgressed. "This is a grave incident," he stressed. "It was important for us - the IDF chief, the defense minister and the prime minister - to immediately say how we view this incident. We're not like the other side. I'm proud of the fact the company commander pointed to this being an unusual incident."
Earlier this week, Ya'alon also sent a message to politicians backing the soldier. "The IDF chief, and not gang leaders, will determine the rules of engagement," he said.
The defense minister, who was speaking at an event in Herzliya, added: "I won't get into the criminal proceedings. I addressed the disciplinary proceedings that ended and were harsh because of the severity of the act, which is against the law, our values, and the rules of engagement. Not one of us has mentioned the word 'murder' and there's an attempt to use it for manipulation. The soldier was warned in the beginning of the investigation that the most serious charge he faces was murder, but later the suspicions changed to manslaughter."
Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon said Friday he had no intention of changing his position condemning the Hebron shooting incident, even after inciting photos of him were posted on social media.
Ya'alon has been at the center of much contention in recent days in light of his comments backing IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot and many senior officials and officers in the defense establishment who came out against a Kfir Brigade soldier for shooting dead a terrorist who was already lying wounded on the ground.
The photos, showing the defense minister's face framed by a rifle's target, were posted on social media and passed on WhatsApp groups of Likud activists, calling for an "assassination" of Ya'alon's political career.
"After all kinds of fringe radical elements tried to portray me as the troubler of Israel, the next stage has come (that should not have surprised anyone) - the distribution of photos inciting against me," Ya'alon wrote on Facebook and Twitter.
"This won't do them any good. I have no intention of caving in or conceding the fight for the nature of the State of Israel and Israeli society. I will continue fighting for a just, sane and moral State of Israel. One that fights with an iron fist and determination against those who mean to cause it harm, while at the same time doesn't lose sight of its values or becomes apathetic."
Ya'alon went on to say that "this isn't about the right wing or the left wing - this is about our future and that of our children. This is about what country we aspire to live in: One that is part of the family of nations, Jewish and democratic, modern and tolerant, or a country that is declining towards dangerous and destructive paths. We must stand firm and uncompromising against the kind of harmful discourse that has taken over the country. This fight is more important and significant than anything else, and the sane forces in Israeli society must remain united to defeat it."
The defense minister concluded his post by saying that "I am fighting for the sane majority of Israeli citizens. That is why I will not give up, and will not be deterred by any threat."
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the Likud party leader, condemned the photos, saying the distribution of such photos "is crossing a red line."
"A public debate must be conducted in a respectable and topical manner and has no room for this kind of incitement," Netayahu said in a statement.
Officials in the Likud party said Ya'alon's comments will come back to haunt him, adding that the defense minister will pay the price in the next party primary election for not backing the shooting soldier.
Ya'alon drew fire when he slammed those who are defending the soldier, saying at a Knesset speech: "What do you want: a brutalized military that lost its moral spine?"
He said the soldier is not a hero, but rather a soldier who transgressed. "This is a grave incident," he stressed. "It was important for us - the IDF chief, the defense minister and the prime minister - to immediately say how we view this incident. We're not like the other side. I'm proud of the fact the company commander pointed to this being an unusual incident."
Earlier this week, Ya'alon also sent a message to politicians backing the soldier. "The IDF chief, and not gang leaders, will determine the rules of engagement," he said.
The defense minister, who was speaking at an event in Herzliya, added: "I won't get into the criminal proceedings. I addressed the disciplinary proceedings that ended and were harsh because of the severity of the act, which is against the law, our values, and the rules of engagement. Not one of us has mentioned the word 'murder' and there's an attempt to use it for manipulation. The soldier was warned in the beginning of the investigation that the most serious charge he faces was murder, but later the suspicions changed to manslaughter."
5 apr 2016
The prosecution asked the court to return the soldier who shot a neutralized terrorist to full arrest status, but their appeal was struck down.
The IDF court of appeals in Tel Aviv rejected an appeal by military prosecutors on Tuesday, ruling that the soldier who shot the already-neutralized terrorist in Hebron will remain in open detention, and not return to full arrest status.
“Allegedly, this is a forbidden act, which is in contrast to state and international values, (and) which also violates the IDF’s (principle of) weapons purity, which says weapons are to be used only for the purposes of completing the mission, and our humanity must be preserved,” the judge, Brig. Gen. Doron Feyles, wrote.
But the judge later added, “the defense’s video shows testimony by people from the area (in which the incident occurred) and most of them worried that the terrorist might be carrying (an explosive device), unlike (what can be inferred from) the prosecution’s video.” The judge also stated that, “The (defendant’s) worry is allegedly an alternative explanation for the evidence collected.”
Earlier in the day, the prosecutor in the case stated that the "suspicion is still murder, there is enough evidence for an indictment", and expressed hope that “next week an indictment will be served following the completion of the investigation.”
During the hearing on Tuesday afternoon, it was revealed that the soldier stated to investigators at the criminal investigation division, “My hands were full of my comrade's blood. I was enraged. In a split second I decided to shoot. If there was an explosives belt (on the terrorist- ed.), I would be in the cemetery and not in court. You investigators at the investigative division are sitting in an office and not in the field where you can be shot at."
The military prosecution, headed by the chief prosecutor Col. Sharon Zagagi-Pinhas, appealed the decision last Thursday by Judge Lt. Col. Ronen Shor to release the soldier to open detention. An autopsy was conducted Sunday on the terrorist, and it emerged that the soldier's shooting caused his death. That day the soldier’s defense team received part of the investigation material from the prosecution, and they claim that the accumulated evidence points in favor of the soldier.
During the hearing the military prosecutor said that they have a "video showing the soldier after the incident during the evacuation of the body, which shows that he was not moved and agitated as he claimed." They confirmed that the first summary of the autopsy revealed that the shot to the terrorist’s head was fatal. They also claimed that "more evidence shows that the suspect’s explosive device version was stated by the soldier after receiving legal advice."
According to the military prosecution, "the suspect’s version is twisting and developing and therefore his claim regarding the explosive device is not sincere. We do not believe his claim that he acted in self defense. We will prove that he actually acted contrary to orders."
"Everyone was shooting, so I shot"
The plaintiff related the testimony of the soldier half a minute before the fatal shooting: "What, the terrorist is alive?" Later, after the shooting, the suspect told T. and A. (soldiers in the unit) and a company commander, "They stabbed my friend and tried to kill him so he deserves to die."
Plaintiff argued, "It was expected of him in this situation that if he really feared an explosive device, after he shot, he should have said that he shot him because he feared an explosive device. The company commander told him, 'Why did you do such a terrible thing?"
"The suspect entered the battalion commander's area at around 10:30am and only then did he raise his concern that there was a danger from the terrorist, and then said that the fear was from a knife. The battalion commander told him, 'Then why did you shoot him and not kick the knife away? I think you're lying," the plaintiff concluded.
But the judge at the hearing also pointed out that the company commander, according to the testimony, also feared an explosive device, and therefore wondered why the soldier's fear of an explosive charge would not be considered honest.
The plaintiff replied: "If there was a real and serious concern, they would have operated differently. None of the commanders in charge thought that the terrorist had an explosive device."
Zagagi Pinchas reported that the paramedic on the scene reported that the soldier said, "Everyone was shooting at him, he moved a hand and his head towards the knife so I shot." Although he was far from the knife.
The soldier's attorney Ilan Katz said, "The prosecution presents a one-sided picture which is contrary to the evidence. According to the company commander's testimony, the soldier looked shocked after the incident, he was a good soldier; this is contrary to the claims that the soldier was cheerful after the incident."
He also claimed that the paramedic at the scene testified the following: "I felt that the suspected soldier looked scared and I referred him to the mental health officer. He sounded very confused, did not understand what I meant, he changed his words."
The IDF court of appeals in Tel Aviv rejected an appeal by military prosecutors on Tuesday, ruling that the soldier who shot the already-neutralized terrorist in Hebron will remain in open detention, and not return to full arrest status.
“Allegedly, this is a forbidden act, which is in contrast to state and international values, (and) which also violates the IDF’s (principle of) weapons purity, which says weapons are to be used only for the purposes of completing the mission, and our humanity must be preserved,” the judge, Brig. Gen. Doron Feyles, wrote.
But the judge later added, “the defense’s video shows testimony by people from the area (in which the incident occurred) and most of them worried that the terrorist might be carrying (an explosive device), unlike (what can be inferred from) the prosecution’s video.” The judge also stated that, “The (defendant’s) worry is allegedly an alternative explanation for the evidence collected.”
Earlier in the day, the prosecutor in the case stated that the "suspicion is still murder, there is enough evidence for an indictment", and expressed hope that “next week an indictment will be served following the completion of the investigation.”
During the hearing on Tuesday afternoon, it was revealed that the soldier stated to investigators at the criminal investigation division, “My hands were full of my comrade's blood. I was enraged. In a split second I decided to shoot. If there was an explosives belt (on the terrorist- ed.), I would be in the cemetery and not in court. You investigators at the investigative division are sitting in an office and not in the field where you can be shot at."
The military prosecution, headed by the chief prosecutor Col. Sharon Zagagi-Pinhas, appealed the decision last Thursday by Judge Lt. Col. Ronen Shor to release the soldier to open detention. An autopsy was conducted Sunday on the terrorist, and it emerged that the soldier's shooting caused his death. That day the soldier’s defense team received part of the investigation material from the prosecution, and they claim that the accumulated evidence points in favor of the soldier.
During the hearing the military prosecutor said that they have a "video showing the soldier after the incident during the evacuation of the body, which shows that he was not moved and agitated as he claimed." They confirmed that the first summary of the autopsy revealed that the shot to the terrorist’s head was fatal. They also claimed that "more evidence shows that the suspect’s explosive device version was stated by the soldier after receiving legal advice."
According to the military prosecution, "the suspect’s version is twisting and developing and therefore his claim regarding the explosive device is not sincere. We do not believe his claim that he acted in self defense. We will prove that he actually acted contrary to orders."
"Everyone was shooting, so I shot"
The plaintiff related the testimony of the soldier half a minute before the fatal shooting: "What, the terrorist is alive?" Later, after the shooting, the suspect told T. and A. (soldiers in the unit) and a company commander, "They stabbed my friend and tried to kill him so he deserves to die."
Plaintiff argued, "It was expected of him in this situation that if he really feared an explosive device, after he shot, he should have said that he shot him because he feared an explosive device. The company commander told him, 'Why did you do such a terrible thing?"
"The suspect entered the battalion commander's area at around 10:30am and only then did he raise his concern that there was a danger from the terrorist, and then said that the fear was from a knife. The battalion commander told him, 'Then why did you shoot him and not kick the knife away? I think you're lying," the plaintiff concluded.
But the judge at the hearing also pointed out that the company commander, according to the testimony, also feared an explosive device, and therefore wondered why the soldier's fear of an explosive charge would not be considered honest.
The plaintiff replied: "If there was a real and serious concern, they would have operated differently. None of the commanders in charge thought that the terrorist had an explosive device."
Zagagi Pinchas reported that the paramedic on the scene reported that the soldier said, "Everyone was shooting at him, he moved a hand and his head towards the knife so I shot." Although he was far from the knife.
The soldier's attorney Ilan Katz said, "The prosecution presents a one-sided picture which is contrary to the evidence. According to the company commander's testimony, the soldier looked shocked after the incident, he was a good soldier; this is contrary to the claims that the soldier was cheerful after the incident."
He also claimed that the paramedic at the scene testified the following: "I felt that the suspected soldier looked scared and I referred him to the mental health officer. He sounded very confused, did not understand what I meant, he changed his words."
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By Jonathan Cook
Nazareth It might have been a moment that jolted Israelis to their senses. Instead the video of an Israeli soldier shooting dead a young Palestinian man as he lay wounded and barely able to move has only intensified the tribal war dance of the Israeli public. Last week, as the soldier was brought before a military court for investigation, hundreds of supporters protested outside. He enjoys vocal support too from half a dozen cabinet ministers, former army generals, rabbis and – according to opinion polls – a significant majority of the Israeli Jewish public. |
It is worth reflecting on this generous act of solidarity. It is hard to dispute the main facts.
On March 24 two Palestinians – Abdel Fattah Al Sharif and Ramzi Qasrawi, both aged 21 – were shot during an attack on soldiers manning a checkpoint in the occupied city of Hebron in the West Bank. Ten minutes later, the 19-year-old soldier at the center of the investigation arrived.
Qasrawi was dead and Al Sharif was lying in the road wounded. Other soldiers milled around, close by. At that point, the soldier – who cannot be named because of a gag order – approached Al Sharif, aimed his gun at the young man’s head and pulled the trigger.
All of this was captured on video, as was a trail of blood that leaked from Al Sharif’s head seconds later. This was not a killing in the fog of war; it was a cold-blooded execution.
As Amnesty International noted, such an act constitutes a war crime.
And yet, for most Israelis the soldier is the victim of this story. Some 57 per cent oppose an investigation, let alone prosecuting or jailing him. Some 66 per cent describe his behavior in positive terms, and only 20 per cent think criticism is warranted. Only a tiny 5 per cent believe the killing should be judged “murder”.
Should this video and the aftermath serve just one purpose, it is to open a window on the rotten state of the Israeli body politic.
The incontestable evidence of Al Sharif’s execution is challenging Israeli Jews to maintain the deception, among themselves and to outsiders, that the institutions of their tribal, ethnic state have any abiding commitment to universal values and human rights.
For decades Israel has trumpeted its army as uniquely “moral”. The claim was always risible. But in an era of phone cameras, hiding the systematic crimes of a belligerent occupying power has proved ever harder. The past six months has seen a wave of desperate attacks by Palestinians – mostly improvised, using knives and cars – to end the occupation.
Some 190 Palestinians have been killed in this period. A number of the incidents have been captured on film. In a shocking proportion, Palestinians – including children – have been shot dead even when they posed no threat to Israeli soldiers or civilians. In military parlance, this is called “confirming the kill”.
The latest video is distinctive not only because the evidence is so indisputable but because it exposes Israel’s wider military culture. When the soldier took his shot, his comrades registered not the least surprise that their prisoner had just been executed.
This looked suspiciously like an event that had played out many times before: standard operating procedure.
Back in December Sweden’s foreign minister, Margot Wallstrom, spoke out against the Israeli army’s trigger-happy attitude. She was lacerated by Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and barred from entering Israel.
Last week a letter from 10 US senators – written before the Hebron killing – was made public, echoing Wallstrom’s concerns. Netanyahu was again indignant, saying his soldiers were not “murderers”.
Wallstrom was concerned that, by refusing to investigate or condemn obvious examples of summary executions, Israeli officials were sending a message to their soldiers and the wider Israeli public that they condoned such acts. It is therefore hardly surprising that most Israelis feel this soldier is being singled out.
His crime was not executing a Palestinian – that happens all the time – but being caught on film doing so. That was nothing more than bad luck.
The Israeli public did not reach this conclusion by accident. They have been schooled in a tribal idea of justice from a young age. Palestinians are not viewed as fully human or deserving of rights. That attitude has only intensified of late.
Politicians from across the ideological spectrum have urged soldiers, police and armed settlers to kill any Palestinian who raises a hand against a Jew.
The incitement has grown intense, and no one – from Netanyahu down – has spoken against it. In fact, quite the reverse.
The few Israeli organisations trying to protect Palestinian rights have come under concerted assault. Breaking the Silence, a group helping Israeli soldiers turn whistle-blowers, was recently accused by the defense minister of “treason”.
Israel is busy bullying and silencing the messengers, whether foreign diplomats or its own soldiers. Netanyahu has left no doubt where his sympathies lie.
Last week his office issued a press release highlighting that he had called the father of the soldier to commiserate with him.
Rabbis too are contributing to the mood music of this war dance. As supporters feted the Hebron soldier as a hero, one of the country’s two highest religious authorities, Yitzhak Yosef, the Sephardic chief rabbi, ruled that Israel’s non-Jews – some 2 million Palestinian citizens – should either agree to become servants to Jews or face expulsion to Saudi Arabia.
Two weeks earlier he told soldiers they were under a religious obligation to kill anyone who attacked them.
Note something else revealing about the Hebron soldier. He was serving in the medical corps. Although his job was to save lives, he believed his greater duty – in the case of Palestinians – was to terminate life. He is no aberration. The other Israeli medics at the scene – including those affiliated with, and supposedly obligated by, the code of the Red Cross – can be seen ignoring al-Sharif, despite his life-threatening wounds, and clustering instead around a lightly injured Israeli soldier.
Palestinian and Jewish life are patently not equal to these medics. Many recent videos tell a similar story.
In November an Israeli ambulance drove past 13-year-old Ahmed Manasra, leaving him untreated, as he lay bleeding from a serious head wound after his involvement in a stabbing attack in occupied East Jerusalem.
And then there are Israel’s legal authorities. Israeli media reported last week that the justice ministry had failed even to open an investigation into a policeman suspected of executing a Palestinian man following an attack last month near Tel Aviv, even though the moment was caught on camera.
In the case of the Hebron soldier, the military court is already refashioning the soldier as the victim.
In imposing a gag order preventing his identification, they have suggested to ordinary Israelis he is equivalent to a rape victim.
Last week the prosecutors showed the pressure was getting to them – as it doubtless will later to the military judge – when they downgraded their accusations from murder to manslaughter.
The army officer who presided over the hearing has already effectively freed the soldier, restricting him to his unit’s base. The Israeli public understand that this soldier is being investigated for appearance’s sake, only because the evidence is there for all the world to see.
He may not be a victim, but he is a scapegoat. He acted not just on his own initiative but in accordance with values shared by his unit, by the army command, by most Israeli politicians, by many senior rabbis, and by a significant majority of the Israeli public.
We should judge him harshly, but it is time to extend that censure beyond the lone soldier. Those who over many decades sent him and hundreds of thousands of others to enforce an illegal, belligerent occupation and taught them to view Palestinians as lesser beings are at least as guilty.
Jonathan Cook won the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com.
On March 24 two Palestinians – Abdel Fattah Al Sharif and Ramzi Qasrawi, both aged 21 – were shot during an attack on soldiers manning a checkpoint in the occupied city of Hebron in the West Bank. Ten minutes later, the 19-year-old soldier at the center of the investigation arrived.
Qasrawi was dead and Al Sharif was lying in the road wounded. Other soldiers milled around, close by. At that point, the soldier – who cannot be named because of a gag order – approached Al Sharif, aimed his gun at the young man’s head and pulled the trigger.
All of this was captured on video, as was a trail of blood that leaked from Al Sharif’s head seconds later. This was not a killing in the fog of war; it was a cold-blooded execution.
As Amnesty International noted, such an act constitutes a war crime.
And yet, for most Israelis the soldier is the victim of this story. Some 57 per cent oppose an investigation, let alone prosecuting or jailing him. Some 66 per cent describe his behavior in positive terms, and only 20 per cent think criticism is warranted. Only a tiny 5 per cent believe the killing should be judged “murder”.
Should this video and the aftermath serve just one purpose, it is to open a window on the rotten state of the Israeli body politic.
The incontestable evidence of Al Sharif’s execution is challenging Israeli Jews to maintain the deception, among themselves and to outsiders, that the institutions of their tribal, ethnic state have any abiding commitment to universal values and human rights.
For decades Israel has trumpeted its army as uniquely “moral”. The claim was always risible. But in an era of phone cameras, hiding the systematic crimes of a belligerent occupying power has proved ever harder. The past six months has seen a wave of desperate attacks by Palestinians – mostly improvised, using knives and cars – to end the occupation.
Some 190 Palestinians have been killed in this period. A number of the incidents have been captured on film. In a shocking proportion, Palestinians – including children – have been shot dead even when they posed no threat to Israeli soldiers or civilians. In military parlance, this is called “confirming the kill”.
The latest video is distinctive not only because the evidence is so indisputable but because it exposes Israel’s wider military culture. When the soldier took his shot, his comrades registered not the least surprise that their prisoner had just been executed.
This looked suspiciously like an event that had played out many times before: standard operating procedure.
Back in December Sweden’s foreign minister, Margot Wallstrom, spoke out against the Israeli army’s trigger-happy attitude. She was lacerated by Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and barred from entering Israel.
Last week a letter from 10 US senators – written before the Hebron killing – was made public, echoing Wallstrom’s concerns. Netanyahu was again indignant, saying his soldiers were not “murderers”.
Wallstrom was concerned that, by refusing to investigate or condemn obvious examples of summary executions, Israeli officials were sending a message to their soldiers and the wider Israeli public that they condoned such acts. It is therefore hardly surprising that most Israelis feel this soldier is being singled out.
His crime was not executing a Palestinian – that happens all the time – but being caught on film doing so. That was nothing more than bad luck.
The Israeli public did not reach this conclusion by accident. They have been schooled in a tribal idea of justice from a young age. Palestinians are not viewed as fully human or deserving of rights. That attitude has only intensified of late.
Politicians from across the ideological spectrum have urged soldiers, police and armed settlers to kill any Palestinian who raises a hand against a Jew.
The incitement has grown intense, and no one – from Netanyahu down – has spoken against it. In fact, quite the reverse.
The few Israeli organisations trying to protect Palestinian rights have come under concerted assault. Breaking the Silence, a group helping Israeli soldiers turn whistle-blowers, was recently accused by the defense minister of “treason”.
Israel is busy bullying and silencing the messengers, whether foreign diplomats or its own soldiers. Netanyahu has left no doubt where his sympathies lie.
Last week his office issued a press release highlighting that he had called the father of the soldier to commiserate with him.
Rabbis too are contributing to the mood music of this war dance. As supporters feted the Hebron soldier as a hero, one of the country’s two highest religious authorities, Yitzhak Yosef, the Sephardic chief rabbi, ruled that Israel’s non-Jews – some 2 million Palestinian citizens – should either agree to become servants to Jews or face expulsion to Saudi Arabia.
Two weeks earlier he told soldiers they were under a religious obligation to kill anyone who attacked them.
Note something else revealing about the Hebron soldier. He was serving in the medical corps. Although his job was to save lives, he believed his greater duty – in the case of Palestinians – was to terminate life. He is no aberration. The other Israeli medics at the scene – including those affiliated with, and supposedly obligated by, the code of the Red Cross – can be seen ignoring al-Sharif, despite his life-threatening wounds, and clustering instead around a lightly injured Israeli soldier.
Palestinian and Jewish life are patently not equal to these medics. Many recent videos tell a similar story.
In November an Israeli ambulance drove past 13-year-old Ahmed Manasra, leaving him untreated, as he lay bleeding from a serious head wound after his involvement in a stabbing attack in occupied East Jerusalem.
And then there are Israel’s legal authorities. Israeli media reported last week that the justice ministry had failed even to open an investigation into a policeman suspected of executing a Palestinian man following an attack last month near Tel Aviv, even though the moment was caught on camera.
In the case of the Hebron soldier, the military court is already refashioning the soldier as the victim.
In imposing a gag order preventing his identification, they have suggested to ordinary Israelis he is equivalent to a rape victim.
Last week the prosecutors showed the pressure was getting to them – as it doubtless will later to the military judge – when they downgraded their accusations from murder to manslaughter.
The army officer who presided over the hearing has already effectively freed the soldier, restricting him to his unit’s base. The Israeli public understand that this soldier is being investigated for appearance’s sake, only because the evidence is there for all the world to see.
He may not be a victim, but he is a scapegoat. He acted not just on his own initiative but in accordance with values shared by his unit, by the army command, by most Israeli politicians, by many senior rabbis, and by a significant majority of the Israeli public.
We should judge him harshly, but it is time to extend that censure beyond the lone soldier. Those who over many decades sent him and hundreds of thousands of others to enforce an illegal, belligerent occupation and taught them to view Palestinians as lesser beings are at least as guilty.
Jonathan Cook won the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com.
